also from Libya and Yemen. A lot of
people forget about Yemen, but at
that time when there were
uprisings in Egypt and Tunisia,
there was an uprising in Yemen.
And people, including women,
came out on the Yemeni streets.
Yemen is in a very unfortunate
position. It’s a country that has zero
resources, so the media don’t pay
attention to it, and it’s a haven of Al
Qaeda groups and separatist
groups. There’s so much violence
within Yemen and very little
support. I was very interested in
how the revolution changed that. I
also did stories about Syrian
refugees in Lebanon and Jordan.
After reporting from Egypt, what is
it like being a BBC correspondent
in Pakistan?
It’s fantastic. It’s a completely new
place and there’s a lot to explore. I
didn’t expect to like Islamabad as
much as I do. Funnily enough, I
came here because I wanted a
different experience - most of my
experience is in the Middle East -
but there are so many parallels to
the Middle East, and to Egypt, that
I feel quite at home actually.
What kind of similarities are there?
The influence of Muslim culture
shouldn’t be underestimated. Both
societies are generally quite
conservative. They draw - in
different ways - lots of the outline
of daily life from religion. In that
way they’re quite similar.
Also in politics it’s very
interesting. When I arrived in
September, Imran Khan and one of
the prominent clerics announced a
sit-in. There were demonstrations
and people out on the streets
calling for the government to go.
People were comparing this to
Tahrir Square. When I interviewed
Imran Khan, he said, “You know
we need change. We don’t want to
be like the Mubarak regime. We
don’t want Nawaz Sharif to be
another Mubarak.” There were
those connections between people
on the streets in Islamabad and on
the streets in Cairo.
The relationship with the army is
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very interesting too. In 2011 in
Tahrir Square, the army were in the
background, but when push came
to shove they backed the side of the
revolution. Then the relationship
between the army and society
changed quite dramatically, and
now we have a Minister of Defence,
Sisi, as president. The relationship
between society and politics and
the army is interesting in Pakistan
as well. This country has had
military rulers for a very long time,
but right now the position of the
army is: “We’re not going to get
involved politically. We’re watching
from the background. The main
thing is the security of the country.”
Some people see the army as the
protectors of the land, and some see
them as the controllers behind the
scenes. Sometimes I think: “I’ve
heard this before.” But not in
Pakistan, in Egypt.
And both countries have very
active, very prolific media
machines. The proliferation of
channels in Pakistan is uncanny,
paralleled in the Middle East only
with Egypt. There are so many
channels saying different things
about the same piece of news and
backing different sides of the
political argument. It’s quite
dynamic. I didn’t expect that
Pakistani media would be so alive.
Also, everything is ‘breaking news’
in Pakistani media!
How does coverage from an
outside broadcaster like the BBC
differ from local Pakistani coverage?
We’re speaking to a very different
audience. The local channels speak
to a very specific domestic
audience. There’s a lot of common
knowledge assumed here. If I
watch something on Pakistani TV, I
have to ask my colleagues who
they’re referring to. If there’s an
incident they're referring to, they’ll
say the date and assume everyone
knows what they’re talking about.
But when covering it for the BBC
you have to explain and explain
and explain, and remind people,
and keep reminding people, and
never assume people know what
you’re talking about.
The
proliferation
of channels
in Pakistan
is uncanny
“
”
